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Nigerian doctor elected President of US black Cardiologists

Dr Akinboboye Dr Akinboboye

 

A US-based Nigerian doctor, Ola Akinboboye has emerged as the new president of the Association of Black Cardiologists in the US, Empowered Newswire reports.

Akinboboye was unanimously elected by the 4500 member-strong US national umbrella organization recently and inaugurated last month in Chicago Illinois.

Speaking in an exclusive interview, the Chief Executive Officer of the association, Mr. Andre Williams said “the association is excited to have Dr. Ola Akinboboye become the president of ABC,” for the next two years.

Akinboboye, a graduate of Medicine from the University of Ibadan, is a prominent US medical practitioner with health centers in New York, an award-winning nuclear cardiologist, and is listed among the Top Doctors in the New York region by leading US medical publications.

The president and leaders of the ABC are deemed among significant figures in the American society in the driving and directing the nation’s medical and health policy outside of government circles, by the virtue of the association’s representation of all black Americans and people of color.

The association is dedicated to eliminating the disparities related to cardiovascular disease in all people of color in the US and it currently has public and private partnerships that is increasing its impact in communities across the nation.

Besides, the aassociation is fully accredited by the Accreditation Council for Continuing Medical Education (ACCME), as an educational institution regulating the practice of cardiology and related professions. Its stated mission “is to champion the elimination of cardiovascular disparities through education, research and advocacy.”

Although Akinboboye was inaugurated last month in Chicago at a well-attended annual membership dinner of the national group of black cardiologists, the headquarters of the association is in Washington DC, the US capitol, which affords it to relate effectively with the US government.

Founded in 1974 by 17 medical doctors, the ABC was established “to bring special attention to the adverse impact of cardiovascular disease on African Americans,” and has now grown from the initial 17 to well over 4000 members at the last count, according to Williams who spoke from Washington DC.

Speaking on his election and assumption of office as the president of Black cardiologists in the US, Akinboboye said “ABC is the Umbrella organization for Black cardiologists in the United States, and the organization plays a critical role in healthcare policy making, particularly on issues regarding healthcare of African-Americans”.

Akinboboye who will serve a two-year tenure until 2014 is the second Nigerian to be elected president of the ABC, after Dr. Elizabeth Ofili who was president between 2000-2002.
According to the CEO Williams, Akinboboye had served earlier on the association’s leadership on the Medical Education Committee, where he helped with securing the accreditation of the group.

“Akinboboye has spoken at many national conferences and besides his medical degree, he also has an MPH and MBA from Columbia University.” He added that as president the UI-trained doctor will advance the membership of the ABC and also ensure international growth including linking the US with the African continents with such training programmes.

Williams explained that members of the association are drawn from across the length and breadth of the US, including all certified cardiologists, corporate bodies, and non medical practitioners drawn from the American community interested in the promotion of a good heart health. He encouraged members of the community to explore the web site of the association, www.abcardio.org to discover tips on promoting good heart health.

#Nigeria CAN to Fed Govt: stop Boko Haram now

•Oritsejafor ... yesterday •Oritsejafor … yesterday

By Gbenga Omokhunu, Abuja

Under fire from Islamist group Boko Haram’s insurgency, Christians yesterday vowed to withdraw their co-operation with the government, if the activities of the deadly sect are not checked.

Intimidation, killings, bombings and wanton destruction by Boko Haram must stop, the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) declared in what its President, Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor, described as “final call” to the Federal Government.

The latest attack on churches was at the Bayero University old campus in Kano on Sunday.

Worshippers were bombed and shot at by men believed to be members of Boko Haram. One Professor – Andrew Leo Ogbonyomi – and 15 others died in the attacks. The sect also on Monday infiltrated the convoy of Taraba State Police Commissioner Mr Mamman Sule. Eleven people died in that attack.

On Tuesday, Boko Haram released a video on Youtube, threatening media houses with attacks.

Oritsejafor spoke in Abuja after a three-hour meeting of officials of the association to review the security situation in the country. He said: “The church leadership has hitherto put great restraint on the restive and aggrieved millions of Nigerians but can no longer guarantee such co-operation, if this trend is not halted immediately.”

Pastor Oritsejafor said it had become irrelevant whether the root cause of Boko Haram insurgency is political, religious, ethnic or ideological, adding: “The question we have always asked is this; of the 51 years of existence of Nigeria as a nation, who have governed this country most? Most of them are from a particular section of the North. What did they do with the opportunities they had? What did they do with the resources they had? We need to ask questions. The people themselves need to ask questions.

“The Almajiris, if they could read and write and understand what is happening, need to ask questions. The realities are these: we know that the bottom of all this is a radical religious ideology. We want that settled but as it is right now, it has gone beyond trying to address why this happened or where it is coming from. It has gone beyond whether it is political or about poverty. The truth is that this situation must stop.

“I will now make a final call, a final call; I repeat. I will now make a final call to the Nigerian government to use all resources available to it to clearly define and neutralise the problem as other nations have done.

“It is the ideas that people coin from the Koran and are being used to terrorise the world. Now we cannot deny that these are Muslims. That is not to say that there are no good Muslims; there are. But the truth must be told. When we keep running from the truth, we will never solve the problem.

“You will recall that at our last news conference on March 6, we told the nation that the bombings and killings of innocent Nigerians may be termed senseless, but that it is not without sense for those sponsoring the act. We also said the killings and bombings were being done according to their plans in order to instil fears with the subsequent aim of eradicating religious freedom, democratic liberties with the church and Christians as the primary target.

“We have persistently pleaded with government to take courage and act to stop the surge of terror,” Pastor Oritsejafor said.

Courtesy- The Nation

#Nigeria CBN denies paying N844b to NNPC

Sanusi Lamido Sanusi Lamido

 

The row over an N844.9billion fuel subsidy has deepened with the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) denying payment of the cash to the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC).

The apex bank also alleged that the Petroleum Products Pricing and Regulatory Agency (PPPRA) made N999million suspicious 128 payments (totalling N127.872billion) to marketers between January 12 and 13, 2009.

It insisted that by its records, the PPPRA paid N1.73trillion to other marketers – as at December 2011.

The CBN made the clarifications in a four-page letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Alhaji Aminu Tambuwal, and the Chairman of the House Ad Hoc Committee on the Monitoring of Subsidy Regime, Mallam Farouk Lawan.

The letter, dated April 27, 2012 and exclusively obtained by our correspondent, is the CBN’s response to some observations and recommendations of the Ad Hoc Committee.

The letter indicated that neither the CBN nor the NNPC is accepting the N844.944b liability, which the House Ad Hoc Committee asked NNPC to refund.

As at yesterday, it was unclear who drew the ‘strange’ N844.9b fuel subsidy uncovered by the committee.

The Farouk Lawan Committee in its report alleged that the NNPC might have been drawing fuel subsidy from two sources.

The committee said: “Contrary to the earlier official figure of subsidy payment of N1.3 trillion, the Accountant-General of the Federation put forward a figure of N1.6trillion, the CBN N1.7trillion while the committee established subsidy payment of N2.587.087trillion as at December 31, 2011 amounting to more than 900per cent over the appropriated sum of N245billion.

“The figure of N2.587.087trillion is based on the CBN figure of N844.944b paid to NNPC in addition to another figure of N847.942billion reflected as withdrawals by NNPC from the Excess Crude Naira Account as well as the sum of N894.201billion paid as subsidy to marketers.

“The figure of N847.942billion quoted above strongly suggests that NNPC might have been withdrawing from two sources especially when the double withdrawals were also reflected both in 2009 and in 2010.”

The CBN letter reads: “Please be informed that following the submission of the ad-hoc committee’s report on the above subject to the House, the CBN hereby responds to some of the observations and recommendations contained in the Report, as it affects the Bank

“The CBN in its submission to the Committee on January 25, 2012 gave a figure of N1.73trillion comprising direct deductions and Sovereign Debt Notes(SDNs), issued by the Petroleum Products Pricing and Regulatory Agency (PPPRA) to other marketers as at  December 2011.

“According to the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) such subsidy approvals are credits due to the Corporation towards the cost of its domestic crude allocation.

“There was no time CBN paid any money to NNPC in respect of subsidy claim. It is pertinent to note that NNPC started advising CBN of subsidy deductions from October 2009 after the states had complained at various Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) meetings of lack of transparency in the management of the subsidy regime.

“Our figure presented to the Committee was therefore from October 2009 to December 2011.

“Direct deductions by NNPC as per CBN records between October 2009 and December 2011, shows a total figure of N844, 944,448,471.72 before transfers to Federation Accounts were made.

“CBN does not make any payment to the NNPC on fuel subsidy. The Corporation deducts at source before remitting to the Federation Account.”

Regarding N999million suspicious 128 payments of totaling N127.872billion between January 12 and 13, 2009, the CBN said it was done by the PPPRA which has accepted blame for it.

It added: “A review of the statements of the account operated as PPPRA/PSF Account showed that these were instruments issued by the PPPRA and drawn on the account at CBN Abuja branch.

“The PPPRA has already issued an official statement taking ownership of the payments which has already been acknowledged by the House Committee.”

On the recommendation of warped budget management by the Federal Ministry of Finance which led to the N2.587trillion incurred on fuel subsidy in 2011, the CBN said it might not be in a position to talk on that.

It added: “This recommendation falls within the purview of the Fiscal authorities and NNPC. CBN is not in a position to comment on extra budgetary spending.”

Regarding the allegation that the CBN created avenue for easy falsification of records by marketers through its forex policy, the apex bank said: “The CBN under the leadership of Governor Sanusi Lamido Sanusi was commended for discharging its responsibility well under the scheme.”

A top source in NNPC said: “We hope the House will look at the records very well, this corporation did not receive double payments for fuel subsidy at all.

“The NNPC cannot refund what it did not receive. We have also sent a note to the House leadership and the Ad Hoc Committee on this controversial fuel subsidy fund.”

Anxiety over bomb scare at Lagos airport

 Murtala Muhammed Airport (MM2)

A bomb scare at the Murtala Muhammed Airport (MM2) and the General Aviation Terminal (GAT) caused anxiety among passengers, motorists and airport workers yesterday.

The scare of a possible explosive around both the new and old domestic terminals propelled security agencies, including the police, the Air Force and para-military agencies, to deploy their men on the road leading to the airport.

They screened all cars coming into both terminals.

The intense security checks, with the use of a mobile anti-explosive device caused traffic gridlock.

To beat the traffic gridlock, most passengers, especially those who had flights to board, trekked some metres to enter  the terminals.

The Police Commissioner in charge of the airport, Mr. Olatunji CaulCrick, said the exercise became important due to security reports received by the command.

CaulCrick  said the police would not leave anything to chance in ensuring a seamless travel experience for airport users.

A passenger, who simply identified himself as Chukwuemeka, decried the alleged crude manner the Anti-Bomb Squad carried out the exercise.

He said: “This is most absurd. The anti-bomb squad who were supposed to actually check the vehicles themselves did not take the bomb scare seriously; otherwise, they wouldn’t have allowed the other guys carry out the checks. It is even pathetic that they don’t even have their own material. As you can see, they ‘d rather choose to look into the booths of the cars. This is a crude method of carrying out checks when they are supposed to be fully equipped.”

The Nation

Henry Okah insists President Jonathan masterminded two bomb attacks

02/05/2012 09:43:00 Elor Nkereuwem & Ini Ekott

Premium Times.

President Goodluck Jonathan
Mr. Okah says the President and his aides organized the attacks in a desperate political strategy to demonize political opponents, and win popular sympathy ahead of the 2011 elections.

Henry Okah, the detained leader of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), blamed for the 2010 Independence Day bomb that killed at least 10 people with many more injured, is to tell a South African court the attacks were sponsored by President Goodluck Jonathan.

That, he said, came after the president and those working for him, had engineered similar attacks earlier in March 2010.

“It is my belief that President Goodluck Jonathan’s government working with a faction of MEND planned and executed the bombings of 14 March 2010 and 1 October 2010,” Mr. Okah said in an affidavit deposed at a South African court.

The president’s spokesperson, Reuben Abati, could not be reached to comment for this story. Calls to his mobile telephone was neither answered nor returned.

The sworn affidavit is expected to be filed at the court between Tuesday and Wednesday as Mr. Okah renews his bid to secure a bail after spending more than one year in a South African jail.

His trial is set to start October 1, 2012, exactly two years since a devastating blast that occurred less than a kilometer from the Eagles Square in Abuja where President Jonathan was attending Nigeria’s 50th anniversary.

The militant group, MEND, which authorities said Mr. Okah headed, claimed responsibility for the attack. Mr. Okah has denied membership of the group and plotting the attacks.

Instead, in a shocking deposition that further deepens the complexity of an already convoluted case, Mr. Okah, who lives in South Africa, said Mr. Jonathan and his aides organized the attacks in a desperate political strategy to demonize political opponents, and win popular sympathy ahead of the 2011 elections.

“The purpose of the 14 March 2010 bombing in my opinion was to create an atmosphere of insecurity in the Niger Delta where President Goodluck Jonathan at that time, was fighting to oust the governor Mr. Emmanuel Uduaghan whom President Goodluck Jonathan intended to replace with his Minister for Niger Delta, Mr Godsday Orubebe,” Mr. Okah said in a 194-page affivadavit obtained by PREMIUM TIMES.

“The bombing on 1 October 2010 was a platform for the elimination of political opposition from the north in the form of General Ibrahim 8abangida. The bombing of 1 October 2010 was also intended by the President Goodluck Jonathan Government to create anti North sentiments nationwide in order to galvanize support from other sections of Nigeria against other northern candidates in the Presidential elections,” he said.

The allegations first came to light in an interview Mr. Okah granted Arabic satellite television, Al Jazeera in October 2010 weeks after the blast. In the interview, he blamed the attacks on Mr. Jonathan’s aides and claimed he was arrested for refusing to influence MEND, to retract its claim of responsibility.

Since then, Mr. Okah has been denied bail at least twice, with one at the South Gauteng High court, Johannesburg where he is filing a new application for bail based on “new facts.”
Ahead of the start of trial October, Mr. Okah confirmed he has been availed with the details of evidences planned to be used against him.

The statements and exhibits, contained in a police docket obtained by the investigating officer, bear allegations the Nigerian government- now through its South African counterpart- put forward against the alleged former militant leader.

The previously known details contain claims of alleged phone communication between Mr. Okah and the those who carried out the attacks, allegedly on his orders, computer records, photographs purporting to show incriminating images and other materials.

His new appeal for bail is based on those evidences which he describes as being “extremely weak”. Mr. Okah said none of the exhibits had been substantiated to be linking him to the crime, and concluded that based on those claims, “It was unlikely that the state will be successful in a criminal prosecution against me.”

Despite Mr. Okah’s repeated denials of links to MEND and its attacks, his narration paints a picture of a former powerful figure whose influence over ex-militants, was courted by politicians, in the same breath regarded as a threat.

He spoke with Mr. Jonathan several times on phone, a telltale aspect of a long-standing relationship he said started in 1999 while the president was the deputy governor in Bayelsa state.

While the nation faced a leadership crisis during the sickness of late President Umar Yar’adua in 2009, Mr. Okah emerged a prominent figure in the aftermath of a successful amnesty programme for the Niger Delta militant, initiated by Mr. Yar’adua.

Politicians knew he could influence the ex-fighters and even what continued to go on in the oil rich creeks. It was a role President Jonathan needed, Mr. Okah’s statement pointed out, as did prospective opponents for the 2011 election like former military ruler, Mr. Babangida, and even current petroleum minister, Diezani Alison-Madueke.

Mr. Jonathan repeatedly sent his aides, including Godsday Orubebe (Niger Delta minister), Oronto Douglas, and others to him in South Africa, to seek his support, he said.
His indifference, amid reports he was rooting for Mr. Babangida, as well as his refusal to rein MEND in on the statement, informed his arrest, Mr. Okah said.

He claim he was close to Jonathan so much so, Mrs. Alison-Madueke, then a minister of Mines and Steel, needed his support for President Jonathan to pick her ahead of Odein Ajumogobia, for the petroleum slot.

“The last call I received from Ms Madueke was at 6:41:35 on 4 April 2010 during which she thanked me for my contribution in influencing her appointment as Minister of Petroleum,” he said.

He said he was in touch with the president’s close aides when the October 1, 2010 bomb came off, and had no inkling his arrest was being planned.

20120502-220329.jpg

Osama Bin Laden: The night he came for dinner

By M Ilyas Khan BBC News, Islamabad

 

Osama Bin Laden

What happens when your surprise dinner guest turns out to be the world’s most wanted man? A year on from the death of Osama Bin Laden, two men tell how they came to host the then leader of al-Qaeda.

Late one night in the summer of 2010, on the fringes of the Waziristan region in north-western Pakistan, half a dozen men of a local tribal family waited nervously for the arrival of a guest whose identity they didn’t know.

They had been alerted to this visit weeks earlier, by someone they describe simply as an “important person”. They were not given any names, and the exact time of the guest’s arrival was conveyed to them just a few hours in advance.

At about 23:00, when the world around them was in deep sleep, they heard the rumble of the approaching vehicles.

“A dozen big four-wheel drive jeeps drove into the compound,” recalls one family elder who agreed to speak to me about it. “They seemed to converge from different directions.”

Death of Bin Laden

White House watches the raid
  • President Obama ordered 2 May 2011 raid on al-Qaeda leader’s compound
  • He and his staff watched via video link as Navy Seals staged their attack
  • Bin Laden buried at sea at undisclosed location 12 hours after being shot in head

One of the 4x4s drove up close to the veranda, and from its back seat emerged a tall and frail-looking man. He wore flowing robes and a white turban.

The waiting men couldn’t believe their eyes. Standing before them was none other than Osama Bin Laden, the most wanted man in the world.

“We were dumb-struck,” says the elder. “He was the last person we’d expected to turn up at our doorstep.”

He stood beside the vehicle for a while, shaking hands. The elder says he kissed Bin Laden’s hand and pressed it against his eyes in a gesture of reverence.

Then, putting his hand lightly on the shoulder of one of his assistants, Bin Laden walked into the room they’d set up for him. The villagers didn’t follow him in. Only a couple of his own men kept him company.

This happened exactly one year before Bin Laden was killed in a secret operation of the US Navy Seals in the Pakistani garrison town of Abbottabad, located some 300km (186 miles) to the north-east of this remote tribal compound.

We were dumb-struck – he was the last person we’d expected to turn up at our doorstep”

The shock of his death prompted one of his former hosts to tell close friends about this unexpected visit, which is how I came to know about it.

After some persuasion, I was able to speak to two of the men who’d met Bin Laden on that occasion. Both requested that their names and locality be kept secret.

During the three hours Bin Laden spent with them, they said he offered prayers, rested, and ate the lamb chops, chicken curry and rice they’d prepared for him and his entourage.

All that time, his hosts weren’t allowed to leave the compound, or let anyone in. Armed men took positions at the main gate, along the walls and on the roof.

There was a slight commotion among the guards when one of the hosts requested that his 85-year-old father be allowed to see Bin Laden.

“Consider this to be his dying wish,” he pleaded. The message was passed to Bin Laden, who agreed to see the old patriarch.

Four armed men escorted the son home to fetch his father. The old man was only told about Bin Laden’s presence once they were back inside the compound.

They said the old man spent 10 minutes with Bin Laden, pouring out his admiration and prayers for him, and offering time-tested advice on tribal warfare, all in his native Pashto language, which Bin Laden apparently didn’t understand.

This brought smiles to the faces of Bin Laden’s hosts and his guards, they say.

Bin Laden and his men departed in just the same way as they’d come – their 4x4s leaving the compound in a bustling confusion – and heading out in different directions, giving his hosts little chance to determine which way Bin Laden’s vehicle went.

While my interlocutors were quite open about the details of the visit, they didn’t want to discuss the identity of the “important man” who had asked them to host Bin Laden. They were also reluctant to share information on who else was in the entourage.

Following Bin Laden’s death a year later, both Pakistani and American officials had insisted that the al-Qaeda chief had lived in total seclusion for nearly five years, without once leaving his Abbottabad compound.

That would seem not to be the case. And many questions remain unanswered.

The area where he showed up in 2010 is in the middle of a vast tribal hinterland which was, and to an extent still is, the focus of a number of military operations against militants. Troops stationed there were on high alert and had set up dozens of security checkpoints to monitor commuters along both regular and rarely frequented routes.

‘The most dangerous place on Earth’

Map of Federally Administered Tribal Areas between Pakistan and Afghanistan
  • Region known as Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata) is largely mountainous and forms Pakistan’s western-most border with Afghanistan
  • It is semi-autonomous and acts as buffer between the two countries
  • Pakistani military used area as launching pad for Afghan mujahideen during Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1980s
  • After 9/11, autonomous status of region and tribal way of life began to change, due to influx of Taliban fighters and Pakistani military operations
  • Waziristan region in particular has been a hotbed of Taliban activity and military operations have been ongoing for several years

Profile: Pakistan’s troubled Waziristan region

How did he get past those posts undetected?

The Pakistanis have always denied having any knowledge of his whereabouts or providing any support to Bin Laden.

There’s also the question of who was planning his itinerary, what was the purpose of his visit and, above all, how frequently did he pay midnight visits to unsuspecting hosts?

Coming face to face with Somalia’s al-Shabab

Al-Shabab fighter in Elasha Biyaha, February 2012
It is usually difficult for journalists to have access to al-Shabab controlled areas

Freelance journalist Hamza Mohamed recounts the day he was able to put a human face to the Somali Islamist insurgent group al-Shabab, in this article published in the latest issue of the BBC’s Focus on Africa magazine.

There is shelling not far from the hotel where I am staying. At the break of dawn I will be making my way out of Mogadishu and into al-Shabab-controlled Elasha Biyaha, to meet the group’s media coordinator.

There I will request access to report from areas under al-Shabab’s control.

Earlier in the day I made a call to see if the coordinator could meet me the next day. Surprisingly, he agreed to a 09:00 meeting.

Al-Shabab are notorious for denying access to foreign media – let alone granting a meeting at such short notice.

Al-Shabaab are notorious for denying access to foreign media – let alone granting a meeting at such short notice”

It is just after 06:00 when Nur, my driver, turns up at the hotel, but there is no sight of Awiil, my fixer.

Nur tells me that Awiil, who has a young family, did not want to risk being caught in Somalia‘s ever-changing front lines.

After about 15 minutes of driving at break-neck speed and negotiating two chaotic government checkpoints manned by nervous-looking skinny soldiers, we reach Elasha Biyaha.

This is a “pop-up” town that came into being when Mogadishu’s residents left the anarchy of the city for the relative calm of its outskirts.

Checkpoints and tinted windows

In the distance we see a black flag hanging from a dried tree branch. Unlike the previous two checkpoints, there is no heavy presence of soldiers manning this one.

It quickly becomes clear that this is one of the frontiers of the conflict: On one side the transitional government and African Union troops and on the other al-Shabab fighters.

From the shade of an acacia tree two seemingly teenage boys – the younger-looking one with a shiny AK47 rifle hanging from his left shoulder – wave our 4×4 to the side of the road.

BBC map

What seems to be the elder of the two has a headscarf wrapped around his face. He stands back, letting the younger one approach our car.

The tint on our car windows has attracted their attention. In Somalia, most 4x4s are tinted to keep the occupants’ profile as low as possible. He is not impressed.

Nur acknowledges our “fault” and explains that we have our camera kit on the backseat and leaving expensive gear in a car with non-tinted window in Mogadishu is calling for it to be stolen.

In a soft and polite voice, the teenager explains to us that tinting is not allowed and walks towards a house 500 metres away, telling us he is going to seek advice from what we think are his superiors.

Nur and I turn to each other asking what other rules we might be breaking. I notice Nur still has his shirt firmly tucked. He quickly untucks it.

Out of anxiety, I ask whether the al-Shabab youth might also take exception to my Nike trainers and we both break into nervous laughter.

All this time the elder of the two boys is standing not far from our car – listening but not responding to our small talk.

After waiting for about five minutes, while replays of press reports of al-Shabab’s notoriously harsh justice system run through my head, he comes back and tells us we are free to continue our journey but must wind down the tinted windows.

Beehive of commerce

We are at the frontline, but there is no sight of men in trenches. There is also no sight of pick-up trucks mounted with anti-aircraft guns.

It is hard to imagine how this very lightly armed checkpoint was stopping the heavily armed government and African Union troops. Perhaps there were more fighters with superior weapons waiting in the nearby bushes.

I had expected to be asked whether I pray five times a day, not about my taste in women”

After a short drive we reach the centre of Elasha Biyaha, a beehive of commerce and trade.

Unlike the battle-scarred buildings of Mogadishu all the buildings here are new, with their tin roofs glowing in the mid-morning sun.

On both sides of the only tarmac road in the town, stores sell goods from matchsticks to sacks of rice.

Also noticeably different from Mogadishu is the absence of men with guns in the streets of the town – even though this is a “front line”.

People stop and stare at us, only for them to smile and resume their activities when I greet them in Somali.

We head to the hotel where our meeting is scheduled to take place. We get there in time but there is no sign of our contact.

A quick call and we find out to our surprise he is in fact in Mogadishu, a city controlled by government and AU soldiers, attending a funeral for two religious elders who died in the shelling the night before.

Facebook profile

After two hours’ wait a tall, slim figure with a goatee and a broad smile comes walking towards us.

Al-Shabab spokesman Sheikh Ali Mohamud Rage in Elasha Biyaha In February there was a demonstration in Elasha Biyaha to back al-Shabab joining al-Qaeda

With arms outstretched, he says my name and gives me a hug as if I am an old friend. I ask how he picked me out of the crowd in the hotel.

He says: “You look like the picture on your Facebook profile.”

My heart goes into overdrive. How much more could he possibly know about me? What about my Twitter account? Does he read my tweets?

After a few seconds of nervous silence, he gives a broad smile and soft pat on my shoulder saying: “Don’t worry you look better in real life.”

Over freshly made mango smoothies, he apologises for not being on time.

Probably in his late 20s, he looks nothing like you may imagine a typical Islamist insurgent to be. There are no robes or heavy beards.

He is wearing a crisply ironed shirt and trousers with the Islamic scarf loosely resting upon his head, protecting it from the intense morning sun.

As the main man of al-Shabab’s media campaign you would think he would be escorted by heavily-armed and masked bodyguards – but there are no signs of security or even a pistol for protection.

‘No stealing’

As we are having drinks he notices I do not wear a wedding ring.

The conversation changes to what kind of women I prefer, and why I have not married.

People fleeing Elasha Biyaha. January 2012 Many people have fled from areas controlled by al-Shabab

He offers to assist me in finding a potential wife and he adds that if I cannot afford the dowry he will happily contribute.

I had expected to be asked whether I pray five times a day, not about my taste in women.

We talk until the midday call for prayers goes out, and I suggest we go to the mosque. Somalia brings out the fear of God in everyone.

Nur and I are used to carrying our kit with us wherever we go, but he suggests we leave it in the car.

Remembering that we were told to keep the tinted windows down, I say we are happy carrying the kit with us.

He insists, assuring us if anything happened he would personally pay for our kit.

After prayers we go to a restaurant for a lunch of boiled camel meat, rice and stew. Between chewing the tough camel meat and the soft basmati rice he gives me the news I have been hoping for – the freedom to report from al-Shabab-controlled areas.

We return to our car after lunch; our kit is still there, albeit dusty from the strong wind and in full display to all the locals.

“This is an al-Shabab area, nobody touches what’s not theirs,” the man tells me.

As we begin our drive back to Mogadishu he reassures us of our safety.

Feeling a bit more confident, I retort with a smile that while this may be true, we cannot be safe from drone strikes.

“Dieziani Allison-Madueke Called Me Over 20 Times In Quest to Become Minister For Petroleum,” Claims Henry Okah in Affidavit

Diezani Allison-Madueke
By SaharaReporters, New York

In an affidavit to be filed in a South African court, detained Mr. Henry Okah claims that in just the first few days of April 2010, after Mr. Goodluck Jonathan became Acting President of Nigeria, one Mrs. Diezani Allison-Madueke called him over 20 times for help to become Petroleum Minister.

 

In her calls, Ms. Madueke explained that she “was competing for the post of the Minister of Petroleum with the now Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr, Odein Ajumogobia,” and asked for assistance “to tip the scale in her favor.”

 

In the 42-page affidavit, Mr. Okah claims Mrs. Madueke specifically asked him to speak to President Jonathan and “put a good word for her,” furnishing him with up to date information on the president’s availability via calls and text messages.  Mr. Okah then spoke to President Jonathan in the early hours of April 5, 2010, he says in the affidavit, following which Mrs. Madueke later called to thank him for his contribution in influencing her appointment as Minister for Petroleum.

 

Okah says in the affidavit that he reluctantly accepted to speak to Ms. Madueke at the prompting of now presidential adviser, Mr. Oronto Douglas, who, he said, called him on April 4, 2010, saying that Ms. Diezani Allison-Madueke was desperate to speak to him.  Mr. Douglas underlined Mrs. Madueke’s need of Okah’s assistance in persuading President Jonathan to appoint her Minister for Petroleum.

 

In March of 2010, Mr. Jonathan had sent Douglas to meet Okah in South Africa, according to the affidavit.  During their meeting, which took place between March 31 and April 1, Mr. Douglas informed Okah that the Northern region of Nigeria was doing everything to prevent Jonathan from being the president.

 

Mr. Okah has been in a South African Prison since October 2, 2010. He is charged under the Terrorist Act’s Protection of Constitutional Democracy against Terrorist and Related Act, Act 33 of 2004. He has been denied bail by various courts in South Africa.

 

Okah was linked with the 2010 Independence Day bombing of the Eagle Square in Abuja.  Okah is facing charges that Chima Orlu, who allegedly supervised the operation, acted under his instructions.  Prosecutors allege that he was in communication via phone and SMS with Mr. Orlu and another co-perpetrator, Ben Jessy Ebere.

 

In Mr. Okah’s new affidavit, he affirms that on the day of the bombing, he received a call from Mr. Moses Jituboh, the Head of Personal Security to President Jonathan, who asked him to continue to cooperate with the President. As Mr. Okah asserted in 2010, following the bombing, Mr. Jituboh also asked him to shift the blame of the bombing to radical elements in the North.

 

Following the emergence of new facts, Mr. Okah is reapplying for bail. In his response to new information in his police docket that contains evidential material that will be used in his trial.  Okah is facing trial at South Gauteng High Court that is estimated to last over 18 months.

 

He is pleading with the court to grant him bail because the case against him is weak and the state cannot provide evidential material to support their case.

 

The case will begin on October 1, 2012 by which time he would have spent 2 years in jail. The State has lined up over 50 witnesses from Nigeria to appear in court in South Africa. Okah also plans to call over 100 witnesses in his defense.

UK House of Commons Culture, Media and Sport Committee report on News International and Phone-hacking

Hello all you can download UK House of Commons Culture, Media and Sport Committee report on News International and Phone-hacking here: ukreport

 

Source: Sydney Morning Herald

Avery’s tragedy: baby whose bucket list was read by millions around the world dies

May 2, 2012 – 3:40PM

Avery's father posted this picture, which was taken about 20 minutes before she fell ill.Smiling in her final moments … Avery’s father posted this picture, which was taken about 20 minutes before she fell ill.

Even in her final moments Avery Canahuati was smiling.

Keeping a smile on her face despite suffering from a genetic disorder was one of many things she achieved in just five months of life, inspiring people around the world.

Texas couple Laura and Michael Canahuati compiled a “bucket list” for their daughter, who was born in November and diagnosed last month with spinal muscular atrophy (SMA) type one, after finding out she had months to live.

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Paying tribute ... Avery's parents, pictured with their daughter.Never lost hope … Avery’s parents, pictured with their daughter.

The list was posted on a blog and a Facebook page and her story went viral, attracting widespread media attention and millions of readers.

Her bucket list included things like going to her first baseball game, waking up smiling, eating a cupcake and wearing a giant bow.

During the project to raise awareness about SMA, which was started only four weeks ago, she even received a card from President Barack Obama, along with a picture of the first family.

Avery Canahuati ... died aged five months.Avery Canahuati … died aged five months.

Mr Canahuati updated the blog overnight, saying Avery died on Monday afternoon, local time, after one of her lungs collapsed and she went into cardiac arrest.

“I immediately performed CPR on her and was able to bring her back to life, but only for a brief period of time before she passed away shortly after arriving at the hospital,” he wrote.

“Avery’s passing this quickly came as a complete shock to all of us, as she had just been given a thumbs up at her last doctors appointment only three days ago.

“While we were aware of the severity of her diagnosis, we never lost hope for Avery and even in her passing, we still have hope for our daughter and all of her friends.”

He also posted a photograph of Avery which he said was taken about 20 minutes before she fell ill.

“She was sitting on her mommy’s lap looking at me and all it took to get her to smile this big was for me to keep saying ‘Hi’.”

Mr Canahuati also wrote the final items on the bucket list, including “not let SMA take my smile away”.

The blog was written in Avery’s voice and encouraged followers to donate to SMA research in a bid to reach at least $US1 million.

Two weeks ago the couple told their story to KHOU-TV, with Mrs Canahuati describing the moment Avery’s legs went limp.

“I just started screaming and it just doesn’t seem real,” she said.

“Mike always told me we’ve got all the time in the world to cry. We could cry when she’s no longer here.

“For now we want to enjoy the time we do have with her and make memories with her.”

Mr Canahuati said: “We could watch her die or we can let her live.

“And through letting her live, we’re going to try and educate other people about this so they don’t have to go through it too.”

According to the Spinal Muscular Atrophy Association of Australia the disorder is a type of degenerative motor neuron disease, like Muscular Dystrophy.

It is believed SMA happens in one in 6000 to one in 20,000 births and there is no known cure.

smh.com.au

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